Monday, July 04, 2005

I cento anni di Sartre


Jean-Paul Sartre 1905-1980

A conclusione di questo mese di celebrazioni sartriane – (il 21 giugno Jean-Paul Sartre avrebbe compiuto cent’anni), che hanno visto in Francia e altrove il moltplicarsi di eventi e convegni – tra cui una mostra alla Bibliothèque Nationale di Parigi ancora in corso - gli interrogativi su cosa resta della filosofia di Sartre sono ancora aperti. L’impressione che si ha in Francia, e in generale in Europa, è che resti poco. Se il Sartre letterario de La Nausea o de Le mani sporche ancora circola nelle librerie in qualche edizione tascabile, non si può dire lo stesso di opere come La critica della ragione dialettica o L’essere e il nulla. Faceva notare Annie Cohen-Solal in un articolo di qualche giorno fa che in Francia nel 2004 solo tre giovani studiosi di Sartre hanno ottenuto un insegnamento all’università. Ma l’ottimismo di Cohen-Solal sull’eredità di Sartre fuori dalla Francia è forse da mitigare. Anche in Italia Sartre è considerato un filosofo superato, troppo legato alle contingenze politiche della storia francese, impigliato nel ‘cliché’ esistenzialista del filosofo da café parigino che osserva le giravolte del cameriere intorno ai tavoli per trarne una teoria sull’inevitabile malafede della condizione umana. Nella tradizione continentale, l’esistenzialismo sartriano accusa il peso del tempo più delle filosofie che lo ispirarono, come la fenomenologia o l’ermeneutica. E il suo destino politico di “cattivo maestro”, difensore del comunismo sovietico, ne fa un perdente davanti all’amico/nemico Raymon Aron, compagno di studi, co-fondatore della rivista Les Temps Modernes e convinto anticomunista, del quale si celebra sempre quest’anno il centenario (1905-1983).
Cosa resta dunque oggi della filosofia sartriana? Per quanto possa sorprendere, la discussione è oggi ancora molto accesa intorno ai temi più metafisici di Sartre, come la sua teoria del soggetto come essere per sé, del sé come coscienza riflessa sul proprio essere. L’intuizione di Sartre è che la conoscenza di sé ha uno statuto epistemologico particolare: conoscere sé stessi non significa scoprire un fatto del mondo, come il fatto che fuori stia piovendo. Significa assumere la responsabilità di ciò che si è e si pensa. La tensione tra una visione “cognitiva”, cartesiana, della coscienza di sé come accesso infallibile al contenuto dei propri pensieri e una visione “costitutiva” - per cui conoscersi significa assumere di essere dei soggetti - è il fulcro del dibattito contemporaneo sulla conoscenza di sé in filosofia della mente. Basti pensare all’antologia curata da Crispin Wright, Knowing Our Own Minds, (Clarendon Press, 1988) o ai recenti libri di Richard Moran, Authority and Estrangement, (Harvard University Press, 2002) e Akeel Bilgrami Self-Knowledge and Intentionality (Harvard University Press, 2005). Il legame sartriano tra la responsabilità che assumiamo nel deliberare sui nostri pensieri e l’autocoscienza è una via d’uscita, per esempio per Richard Moran, dall’espressivismo imputato a Wittgenstein, per il quale gli enunciati sui nostri pensieri non sono altro che “espressioni” dei nostri stati interni, più o meno come dire “Ahi!” è un’espressione di un dolore. Conoscersi è deliberare su sé stessi, accettare in pieno la responsabilità morale di essere dei soggetti, trascendendo così, in piena tradizione sartriana, la “fatticità”, ossia la passività dell’essere in sé come semplice oggetto di osservazione. Così Vincent Descombes, uno dei pochi filosofi oggi a saper fare interagire la filosofia analitica contemporanea con la tradizione francese, nel suo ultimo libro Le complément du sujet (Gallimard, 2004) riapre il dialogo con Sartre, inserendo a pieno titolo il suo pensiero nella lunga querelle del soggetto che attraversa la storia della filosofia fino ad oggi, ignara delle distizioni di scuola.

Wednesday, June 22, 2005

Erwing Goffmann on Trust and Children


A parent/children conversation: Leonardo La Vergine delle Rocce


How do we trust our children?
The study of trust relationships with children doesn't consider enough the role of conversation in the parent/children interaction. An exception is Erwin Goffman (1974) who describes the conversation between middle-class parents and their children as a form of benign control, that is, parents allow children many behaviours that they would not allow to adults (like play and pretence in social interaction) but the child pays a price for these priviledges in terms of trust and credibility. Parents feel legitimate to talk about children's activities in the presence of others as if they were absent. They feel free to expand or contract the time conceded to the face to face interaction according to their priorities and committments. The defection from the face to face interaction is not always motivated and can be felt by the child as an abrupt interruption.

A closer look to family conversation would throw some light on our way of making and breaking trust relationships with our children.

E. Goffmann (1974) Frame Analysis. An Essay on the Organisation of Experience, New York, Harper and Row.


Tuesday, June 21, 2005

Sartre, référence obligée ou mauvais maître ?

Un bel article d'Annie Cohen-Solal sur l'oubli français de Sartre qui sort de l'explication politique standard pour avancer une hypothèse sur la nature morale de cette exclusion du panorama culturel contemporain en France. C'est ses valeurs protestantes et son exigence éthique qui auraient contribué à l'anathème français et catholique contre Sartre.

Sartre, référence obligée ou mauvais maître ?, par Annie Cohen-Solal
LE MONDE | 20.06.05 | 13h34 • Mis à jour le 20.06.05 | 18h30


"Les premiers mois de l'année 2005, celle du centenaire de la naissance de Jean-Paul Sartre (le 21 juin), ont été l'occasion d'observer un phénomène qui, depuis la mort de l'écrivain, en 1980, est devenu éclatant : l'étrange écart dans la façon dont est reçu Sartre en France et dans le monde ; frappé d'anathème chez nous, référence obligée ailleurs.

Alors que, dès janvier, la presse française (à de rares exceptions près) ressassait, tel un vieux disque rayé, les mêmes clichés ("match Aron-Sartre" , "erreurs politiques" , etc.), en stigmatisant un Sartre mauvais maître, penseur démodé ou encore imposteur, au contraire les hommages en provenance de pays aussi différents que le Portugal, l'Italie, l'Allemagne, la Grande-Bretagne, la Belgique, l'Espagne, la Serbie-Monténégro, la Pologne, la Tunisie, les Etats-Unis, l'Argentine, le Brésil, la Colombie, le Venezuela, le Japon, les Antilles, la Chine, la Suisse, s'accordaient sur un point : le message de Sartre reste toujours pour eux un outil de référence pour déchiffrer leur époque et, plus de vingt-cinq ans après sa mort, son œuvre suscite encore le même intérêt auprès des étudiants.

Quels éléments de la trajectoire sartrienne repèrent aujourd'hui ces intellectuels étrangers qui semblent échapper aux Français ? Que Sartre, héritier de la bourgeoisie, ressentit dès 1925, au cours de ses années d'Ecole normale supérieure, les limites de la tradition universitaire française. Il rejoignait en cela les critiques de son camarade Paul Nizan (qui écrira Les Chiens de garde) et celles de Claude Lévi-Strauss, qui exprima "sa déception rapide" devant un enseignement philosophique qui "desséchait l'esprit" .

Et ils repèrent qu'à cette situation décevante, Sartre répondit à sa manière : il s'intéressa à des formes esthétiques émergentes perçues comme moins nobles, comme le cinéma ; à d'autres cultures perçues comme moins anciennes, comme la culture américaine ; et, selon une posture d'héritier subversif qui allait marquer toute sa vie, il lança ses critiques contre l'institution philosophique, refusant de se lancer dans une carrière universitaire et se déplaçant jusqu'à Berlin pour mettre en place son exigence de penser au présent et explorer de nouveaux chemins plus conformes à ses attentes.

Que, professeur au lycée du Havre dans les années 1930, il s'intéressa au roman américain expérimental de son époque, découvrit les oeuvres de Dos Passos, Faulkner et Melville, décrivant plus tard cette période comme un moment d'ouverture et de régénération fulgurantes, "une véritable révolution non euclidienne" : "Il nous a tout d'un coup semblé, écrivit-il, que nous venions d'apprendre quelque chose, et que notre littérature était sur le point de sortir de ses vieilles ornières. Aussitôt, pour des centaines de jeunes intellectuels, le roman américain a pris place, avec le jazz et le cinéma, parmi les meilleures importations en provenance des Etats-Unis."

Qu'au lendemain de la seconde guerre mondiale, grâce aux deux séjours qu'il effectua aux Etats-Unis pendant ces années charnières, Sartre put, avant tout autre, observer les nouveaux équilibres qui s'esquissaient alors et pensa le devenir de la culture européenne et de la civilisation occidentale du point de vue de "l'Européen de 45" .

Décrivant la culture comme la "réflexion sur une situation commune" et le "paysage de la ville mutilée" comme "une architecture humaine commune à l'Europe" , il perçut "la nécessité de se rééquiper et l'impossibilité de s'adresser à d'autres qu'aux Américains" pour le faire.

Que, dès 1948, s'appuyant sur l'affirmation que "le Blanc a joui trois mille ans du privilège de voir sans qu'on le voie" , il donna toute leur dignité à des continents ignorés, comme l'Afrique "invisible, hors d'atteinte, continent imaginaire" , et développa dès lors une pensée post-coloniale qui servit d'épine dorsale à tous les mouvements de décolonisation qui élaboraient alors leur prise de conscience.

Que, vingt ans plus tard, président du tribunal Russell, il mit en lumière, face aux méfaits des Etats-Unis dans la guerre du Vietnam, un vide juridique "qu'il faut combler et que personne ne comble" et, que, s'appuyant sur une analyse des "deux sources de pouvoir, celui de l'Etat avec ses institutions, et celui des peuples" , il s'engagea à mettre en place un tribunal, dont la seule "légitimité vient à la fois de sa parfaite impuissance et de son universalité" .

A la même époque, marquant clairement ses distances, il ajouta : "Nous n'avons pas à considérer l'Amérique comme le centre du monde. C'est la plus grande puissance du monde ? Je vous l'accorde. Mais notez : elle est loin d'en être le centre. Lorsqu'on est européen, on a même le devoir de ne pas considérer l'Amérique comme le centre du monde ; il faut montrer son intérêt et sa solidarité (...) avec tous les amis du "tiers-monde" qui se sont frayé un chemin jusqu'au seuil de l'existence et de la liberté, et qui prouvent chaque jour que la plus grande puissance du monde est incapable d'imposer ses lois ; qu'elle est également la puissance la plus vulnérable du monde et que le monde ne l'a pas choisie pour devenir son centre de gravité. Les Etats-Unis évolueront, bien sûr, lentement, très lentement. Et mieux, je pense, si on leur résiste que si on les encense."

Qu'en 1971, à la suite des interdictions énoncées contre les journaux maoïstes et de la découverte des mensonges provenant des sources d'information traditionnelles, Sartre fut à l'origine de l'agence de presse Libération, qui selon les vœux de Michel Rocard serait "une petite agence de presse révolutionnaire, branchée sur la saisie directe des informations" et dont le but fut bien de "donner la parole aux journalistes qui veulent tout dire, aux gens qui veulent tout savoir, et, bien sûr, au peuple" .

Que, dès 1929, il mit en place avec Simone de Beauvoir, une vie de couple qui préfigura les familles recomposées : complicité tant affective que politique, équilibre et honnêteté dans la durée.

Sartre proposa donc l'élaboration tâtonnante de nouvelles configurations, la mise en place de projets et d'alliances avec de nouveaux acteurs, que ce soit dans l'ordre de la vie quotidienne ou de la vie intellectuelle, offrant à l'Autre la possibilité de l'associer à son entreprise.

Autant de tentatives qui, comme toutes les expérimentations pionnières, furent bien sûr entachées de tâtonnements, de maladresses, d'excès même ­ mais comment être exempt d'erreur lorsqu'on expérimente ?

Comment, dès lors, comprendre cet écart éclatant dans l'évaluation de l'oeuvre sartrienne en France, où elle est frappée d'anathème, et à l'étranger ? Comment expliquer qu'il soit plus facile pour un étudiant, en 2005, d'entreprendre une thèse sur Sartre en s'adressant à un professeur à Bruxelles, à Liège, à Louvain plutôt qu'en France, où seuls trois enseignants ayant soutenu une thèse sur Sartre ont été élus par le Conseil national des universités à un poste de professeur.

Dans un entretien réalisé par Radio Canada en 1967 qui, après être longtemps resté inédit, est aujourd'hui présenté par la BNF, Sartre nous livre peut-être une clé, en réponse à ces questions. Au détour d'une phrase et presque mécaniquement, il énonce : "Luther disait : 'Tous les hommes sont prophètes'." Et si Sartre, parlant au nom de ces valeurs protestantes transmises par son grand-père, Charles Schweitzer, dans la radicalité d'une certaine exigence éthique, restait inacceptable dans une France en grande majorité de tradition catholique et réfractaire à la confrontation avec ses propres blessures ?

De fait, jusqu'à l'âge de dix ans, Sartre, qui ne fréquentait pas les bancs de l'école, resta le seul élève de son grand-père, pédagogue célèbre qui avait accompagné Jules Ferry dans son Dictionnaire pédagogique (bible de l'enseignement primaire en France au moment de la loi de séparation entre l'Eglise et l'Etat en 1905).

Et si c'était au nom des valeurs de cette minorité dans une minorité, les protestants libéraux, que Sartre dérangeait, lui qui toujours se montra particulièrement radical dans ses jugements, confrontant sans trêve ces tabous de la mémoire collective française comme la collaboration, le racisme, la torture, le colonialisme ­ autant de traumatismes nationaux qui n'ont longtemps été explorés que par des chercheurs étrangers, comme Robert Paxton ou Michaël Marrus, par exemple ?

Prophétique, subversif, appuyé sur la société civile, Sartre se porta aux avant-postes pour développer une culture alternative encore en vigueur aujourd'hui. Cet explorateur de l'altérité reste un visionnaire qui avait repéré la "porosité des frontières" dont parle Claude Lévi-Strauss et devint un pionnier de l'interdisciplinarité, fécondant la culture française par ses inépuisables virées hors des frontières traditionnelles du savoir.

Si, aujourd'hui, le pays de Voltaire, de Diderot, de Montesquieu, de Hugo et de Zola est incapable de mesurer l'apport de Sartre, c'est paradoxalement des deux Amériques que nous arrivent les échos de ces deux philosophes citoyens qui, comme Cornel West aux Etats-Unis ou Antanas Mockus en Colombie, se réfèrent quotidiennement à Sartre comme à une boussole éthique qui pensa avant tout autre le monde pluriculturel et postcolonial dans lequel nous vivons aujourd'hui.

N'est-ce pas Sartre aussi, d'ailleurs, qui décrivit la culture comme "un échange incessant qui amène les nations à redécouvrir chez d'autres nations ce qu'elles ont inventé puis rejeté" ?"


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Annie Cohen-Solal est professeur d'études américaines à l'université de Caen et chargée de séminaire à l'EHESS.



par Annie Cohen-Solal
Article paru dans l'édition du 21.06.05

Wednesday, June 15, 2005

Fidarsi di Internet

Presentato al Convegno italo-francese Etica di Internet, organizzato dall'Ambasciata di Francia in Italia, Roma 17 giugno 2005.

Cosa significa fidarsi di Internet? Quali atti di fiducia esercitiamo nelle nostre interazioni virtuali ? Il tema della fiducia su Internet è diventato onnipresente nella riflessione sociologica, etica ed economica intorno all’uso sociale della rete. Internet ha creato nuove opportunità di contatto tra estranei: potenziali clienti, interlocutori, collaboratori, amici. Ma nuovi contatti significano anche nuovi rischi. I tradizionali filtri di reputazione non hanno impatto, o almeno non sufficiente, in comunità distribuite sui cinque continenti, in cui gli agenti non sono vincolati a condividere né norme, né regolamentazioni e tanto meno abitudini e costumi. Il caso paradigmatico è quello di eBay, la più grande piattaforma mondiale di vendite on line. eBay mette a disposizione di venditori e acquirenti uno spazio di mercato virtuale nel quale gli utenti possono vendere e acquistare qualsiasi tipo di oggetto grazie a un’interfaccia molto semplice da utilizzare e a un sistema di regolamentazione delle transazioni. Ma eBay espone il potenziale acquirente a un rischio : perché infatti il venditore dovrebbe comportarsi onestamente, dato che « l’ombra del futuro », ossia l’influenza della qualità del suo comportamento oggi sulle interazioni future (come l’ha definita lo studioso di cooperazione Robert Axelrod) non gioca nessun ruolo in negoziazioni che avvengono una sola volta ? Se il venditore è razionale, e sa che non rischia nessuna sanzione nel tradire la fiducia dell’acquirente, perché dovrebbe cooperare ?
In termini di scelta razionale e massimizzazione dell’utilità, Internet sembra il terreno ideale per favorire i comportamenti non cooperativi, come la defezione, il tradimento della fiducia, e l’oppurtunismo. In fondo, se vendo una volta sola su eBay, sotto un’identità anonima, non è più razionale mentire sul prezzo nella speranza di incontrare un acquirente ingenuo, o nascondere un difetto della mia merce, o peggio ancora prendere i soldi e scappare ?
Ciò che rende il fenomeno Internet di particolare interesse etico è che in realtà molti risultati mostrano che la rete non sfavorisce la cooperazione, anche in quei tipi di interazione, come lo scambio commerciale, in cui parrebbe ovvio pensare il contrario.

Oggi cercherò di spiegare quale tipo di fiducia Internet tende a generare e perché la cooperazione in rete è razionale. La mia tesi è che i modelli della fiducia utilizzati nella spiegazione dell’interazione in rete non tengono sempre conto di un fattore centrale della cooperazione via Internet, ossia del ruolo dello scambio comunicativo nelle relazioni di fiducia che si stabiliscono in rete. Internet è un mondo testuale, di discorsi e conversazioni. La fiducia reciproca è anche frutto della qualità di questi scambi testuali, e delle regole tacite che gli interlocutori rispettano nei contesti conversazionali. Presenterò una nozione di fiducia virtuale che è in gioco nella conversazione e che a mio avviso si presta bene spiegare la costruzione della fiducia nelle interazioni in rete.

Cominciamo da qualche esempio di tipi di fiducia che caratterizzano tipi di utenti su Internet. Le comunità di scambio presenti sulla rete sono di vario tipo. Posso andare su Internet per acquistare un biglietto d’aereo, per cercare informazioni, per incontrare nuove persone, per condividere esperienze, per vendere un prodotto, etc. Fidarsi in questi diversi casi può significare cose differenti: posso scommettere sull’affidabilità del sistema con cui interagisco, per esempio nel proteggere le informazioni sulla mia carta di credito (nello stesso senso in cui considero la mia banca affidabile nel proteggere il mio denaro da possibili malintenzionati), oppure fidarmi dell’onestà del mio interlocutore in una transazione, o ancora fidarmi della competenza di un autore o di un’istituzione nel fornirmi informazioni corrette su un certo argomento. Posso fidarmi della reputazione di un forum di comunità.

Quali sono i meccanismi coinvolti nella costruzione di tipi così diversi di fiducia? Possiamo parlare di una forma di fiducia tipica delle interazioni virtuali?
Per meglio comprendere la varietà di atti di fiducia che possiamo fare attraverso Internet, presenterò qui alcune distinzioni normative di forme di fiducia per poi spiegare perché Internet incoraggia un’allocazione a priori di fiducia nelle relazioni interpersonali.

Modelli di fiducia

Fiducia strategica
Il sociologo Diego Gambetta definisce la fiducia come: “il particolare livello di probabilità soggettiva con il quale un agente valuta che un altro agente o gruppo di agenti farà una certa azione, prima di poter monitorare quest’azione e in un contesto in cui l’azione dell’altro ha un effetto sul corso delle sue azioni”

La teoria della scelta razionale cerca di rendere conto della razionalità della fiducia in termini di valutazione della probabilità di azioni future. La fiducia è dunque uno degli ingredienti che determinano la scelta di un individuo o di un gruppo di una strategia d’interazione. Ovviamente la fiducia è una nozione interessante se rende conto del rischio che corriamo nel coinvolgerci in una relazione con un altro. E, nel quadro di una spiegazione razionale dell’azione, correre il rischio di coinvolgersi in una relazione (economica, sociale, affettiva) con un’altra persona deve accompagnarsi a un’allocazione di probabilità sul futuro coinvolgimento dell’altro nella relazione. Questa allocazione di probabilità può dipendere dal peso delle interazioni passate sulle interazioni future, o da una razionale valutazione di quanto sia nell’interesse dell’altro di tener conto dei miei propri interessi . Nelle formalizzazioni della teoria dei giochi (si veda Axelrod 1984) la razionalità della cooperazione strategica con gli altri è spiegata in termini di sanzioni in cui un agente incorre se non è colaborativo. Ossia: è razionale cooperare perché posso calcolare che, a lungo termine, cooperare mi conviene (gli esempi tipici sono giochi come Il Dilemma del Prigioniero).
Il limite di questo tipo di analisi nel caso di Internet è che in molti casi non disponiamo di informazioni sufficienti sul contesto passato e sul futuro dell’interazione perché la nostra cooperazione sia razionale. La reputazione richiede interazioni ripetute che, come abbiamo visto, non caratterizzano sempre gli scambi su Internet. Inoltre, la mancanza in molti contesti di interazione virtuale di norme sociali e culturali condivise ha spesso come conseguenza che l’idea che ci facciamo dei nostri interlocutori virtuali sia influenzata dai nostri pregiudizi culturali. Non è chiaro quindi come facciamo, in un contesto virtuale, a calcolare la probabilità soggettiva dell’azione futura del nostro interlocutore.

Fiducia morale o “affettiva”

Un’intuizione che non sembra catturata dalle letture strategiche della fiducia è che spesso fidarsi non significa coinvolgersi dopo aver calcolato la probabilità dei rischi, ma sentirsi sicuri di potersi “lasciare andare” in un’interazione senza averne calcolato i rischi. Otto Lagerspetz ha così descritto questo aspetto “emotivo” della fiducia: “trust is not the fact that one, after calculating the odds, feels no risk: It is feeling no risk without calculating the odds” . Gli aspetti non cognitivi della fiducia sono considerati in filosofia morale come centrali per comprendere il potere della fiducia nello stabilire una cooperazione: una metafora vivida della fiducia come “accettata vulnerabilità” a una possibile, ma non certa, malevolenza da parte degli altri e che incentiva la reciprocità è l’esercizio a cui vengono sottomessi a volte i giovani attori in un primo corso di teatro: il principiante è incoraggiato a lasciarsi cadere nelle braccia degli altri, fidandosi che gli altri lo sosterranno. La fiducia emotiva è ben catturata dalla sensazione di “lasciarsi andare’ nelle braccia degli altri. La fiducia sarebbe così uno dei nostri molteplici “sentimenti morali”, che ci guidano, pre-razionalmente, nell’azione e che influenzano il comportamento degli altri .
Il vantaggio di una spiegazione “non-cognitiva” della fiducia, come qualcosa di indipendente dalla probabilità soggettiva è che questa intuizione dovrebbe guidarci anche in situazioni in cui l’informazione è scarsa. Inoltre essa è utile per rendere conto delle molteplici situazioni in cui la fiducia non è una questione di scelta: un bambino ad esempio non sceglie di fidarsi di un genitore; più in generale, le relazioni di fiducia possono essere altamente asimmetriche dal punto di vista emotivo e cognitivo.
Cosa possiamo dire di questo tipo di fiducia motivazionale nel caso della rete? Un’attitudine, diciamo “pre-razionale” fiduciosa può certamente motivare un ottimismo reciproco nelle interazioni via rete. Ma normalmente questa fiducia motivazionale, non cognitiva, caratterizza, secondo la sociologia, le interazioni in piccoli gruppi sociali. Uno dei fondamenti della teoria dei gruppi sociali è che certe qualità dell’interazione sociale, come l’altruismo, la solidarietà e la cooperazione, tendono a decrescere con l’aumentare della taglia del gruppo , mentre in Internet l’aumento della taglia del gruppo non sfavorisce la cooperazione. Cosa fa sì che in Internet la dimensione non conti? Inoltre Internet non è soltanto un terreno di incontri e di potenziale vulnerabilità personale (economica, psicologica, fisica). Internet è soprattutto un terreno di vulnerabilità epistemica, dato che costituisce il più grande repertorio di informazioni mai esistito: le nostre interazioni fiduciose nell’acquisire informazione potrebbero risultare in semplice credulità.

Fiducia epistemica

Fidarsi di Internet può significare credere nell’affidabilità delle informazioni che acquisiamo attraverso la rete. In questo caso, la fiducia è riposta non solo sull’affidabilità morale (l’onestà) dell’interlocutore, ma anche sulla sua affidabilità epistemica (la sua competenza). Molta epistemologia contemporanea cerca di comprendere quali sono i meccanismi razionali di allocazione di fiducia nella trasmissione di conoscenze. Posso fidarmi del mio interlocutore perché sono in grado di giudicare la sua migliore “posizione epistemica” nei confronti di un’informazione. Per esempio, telefono a un amico a Roma prima di partire per sapere che tempo fa e mi fido di quello che mi dice perché giudico migliore la sua posizione per acquisire un’informazione di questo tipo (in fondo lui è a Roma e io sono a Parigi). Posso fidarmi dei filtri di selezione che hanno reso pubblica un’informazione. Per esempio, mi fido di più di una notizia scientifica apparsa su Nature che di una apparsa sulla rivista Marie Claire perché conosco il sistema di peer-review delle riviste scientifiche e lo trovo valido nel selezionare informazione di qualità sulla ricerca scientifica. Posso ancora fidarmi della reputazione di colei o colui che mi fornisce l’informazione, ossia dell’autorità intellettuale che si è guadagnata/o in un certo ambito. La divisione del lavoro cognitivo è regolata da norme e convenzioni che determinano quello che potremmo chiamare “l’ordine epistemico” di una società (per fare eco all’idea di ordine sociale). La fiducia nell’ordine epistemico, ossia chi sa cosa, è un ingrediente fondamentale della stabilità delle comunità e dei gruppi sociali.
Che ne è della fiducia epistemica sulla rete? Cosa significa un’informazione credibile? Il problema della fiducia epistemica su Internet è che molti dei criteri indiretti di valutazione della competenza dei nostri informatori in rete dipendono dall’ordine epistemico tradizionale, che non è rispecchiato nella rete. Inoltre il sistema dei link che stabilisce le gerarchie sulla rete manifesta alcune proprietà delle reti sociali, le reti cosiddette aristocratiche, per cui chi è già ricco (di link verso di sé) tende a diventarlo sempre di più (il noto fenomeno rich get richer) . Certo, Internet ha permesso di sviluppare nuovi criteri di filtraggio dell’informazione che hanno uno certa robustezza strutturale, come il sistema PageRank di Google, che legge la struttura dei link e dà un peso negativo ai siti che chiedono di essere referenziati o i sistemi di reputazione, che permettono ad ogni utente di esprimere un voto su un sito o un particolare prodotto, che si somma a quello di altri utenti per fornire un’informazione leggibile dagli utenti successivi, o ancora la “gerarchizzazione” della struttura dei link oggi possibile grazie ai tag come , sempre più usato nei blogs, che permette di creare un link dalla propria pagina verso un sito, ma di non aumentare la sua popolarità. Esistono dunque modi di costruire la fiducia epistemica che sono propri a Internet e che non riflettono automaticamente le gerarchie di distribuzione delle conoscenze e le classificazioni del sapere tradizionali.
Benché la costruzione di forme di fiducia epistemica, ossia di valutazione della competenza, è un problema centrale per la rete, neanche la nozione di fiducia epistemica sembra esaurire la questione della fiducia su Internet.

Che cos’è la fiducia virtuale?

Spesso quando si parla di fiducia su Internet si intende una particolare qualità dello scambio interpersonale in rete, che sembra in contrasto con qualsiasi teoria dell’azione sociale. Come abbiamo visto, la predisposizione ottimistica alla cooperazione che caratterizza un certo stile delle interazioni in rete non solo è in contraddizione con le attese sul comportamento strategico razionale. Ma anche nei termini della sociologia dei gruppi, che vede una correlazione inversa tra fiducia e dimensione del gruppo, la cooperazione su Internet sorprendre. Che cosa caratterizza questa speciale fiducia che si crea in rete più facilmente che in altri tipi di interazione sociale?
Per rispondere, proviamo prima a farci qualche domanda. Cosa ci aspettiamo da un’interazione in rete? In un articolo sulla fiducia su Internet, la filosofa Victoria McGeer discute di un caso di falsa identità in una comunità di discussione newyorkese. Una signora anziana e disabile, Julie, partecipa attivamente a un forum di discussione per persone anziane e ritrova la gioia di vivere attraverso le amicizie strette in rete. Tanto stretta è l’amicizia via Internet, che una delle sue ammiratrici decide di incontrarla. Ora, si scopre che la signora è in realtà un uomo, psichiatra e perfettamente sano. I membri della comunità online sono basiti e considerano il comportamento della finta Julie come un tradimento insopportabile. Ma è davvero chiara l’intuizione morale di tradimento in questo caso? In fondo Julie aveva dato il suo contributo alla conversazione nel forum, aveva permesso agli altri membri di ben comprendere la sua identità virtuale e di trarne beneficio nel dialogo. Non potrebbe essere un tradimento la mossa dell’amica che viene a cercare un contatto fuori dalla comunità virtuale? Quale rischio ha fatto correre la falsa Julie agli altri membri della comunità presentandosi con quell’identità? Di quanta verità abbiamo bisogno perché un’interazione sia soddisfacente e perché valga la pena di cooperare? In un caso come questo di un forum in cui non si vende né si compra nulla, né si prodigano cure o rimedi, e nemmeno si prevede di incontrarsi in carne ed ossa, il fatto che lo psichiatra Julie abbia “tradito” la fiducia è tutt’altro che ovvio.
L’esempio di Julie dovrebbe farci riflettere sul tipo di fiducia e di affidabilità che vogliamo da Internet. Nei luoghi di scambio interpersonale attraverso la rete come i forum (anche professionali), le comunità di expertise, i punti di incontro, la relazione di fiducia si tesse attraverso il discorso. E’ parlando con gli altri che ci rendiamo conto di quanto possiamo fidarci di loro. Accettare di parlare con qualcuno significa accettare di condividere un quadro comune di norme tacite che permettono almeno lo scopo modesto di arrivare a comprendersi. Ci aspettiamo ad esempio che chi ci parla fuori o dentro la rete cerchi di essere pertinente per noi, di minimizzare i nostri sforzi di comprensione, insomma di attenersi a un certo numero di massime della conversazione che sono state oggetto di studio di molti filosofi (primo di tutti Paul Grice) e che regolano lo scambio comunicativo. Assumiamo una postura conversazionale ogni volta che accettiamo di parlare con qualcuno, anche non faccia a faccia (per esempio, nel caso della lettura di un testo) e pensiamo che questo qualcuno abbia fatto degli sforzi per essere pertinente per noi. Anche nelle conversazioni vis à vis il tipo di fiducia che mettiamo in gioco è una fiducia virtuale: adottiamo una postura di fiducia nei confronti della benevolenza e nella competenza dell’altro nel voler comunicarci qualcosa che è pertinente nel contesto in cui stiamo comunicando. La fiducia virtuale non è tipica quindi di Internet: è tipica in generale dei contesti di conversazione. Fidarsi dell’altro nella conversazione significa accettare la vulnerabilità cognitiva di condividere una serie di cose dette “per il bene del discorso” (for the sake of the conversation). Il che non significa che saremo immediatamente portati a credere o agire sulla base di ciò che è stato detto. Questo umanizza i nostri interlocutori senza renderci né emotivi né creduloni. La comunicazione, anche differita, è un atto volontario. Riconoscere l’intenzione dell’altro di comunicare con noi significa dargli uno statuto di persona. E’ dargli fiducia nella sua intenzione di volere comunicarci qualcosa di significativo per noi. E’ una fiducia virtuale, che possiamo sospendere rapidamente in presenza di altre informazioni che entrano in contraddizione con quello che ci viene detto o informazioni che nella conversazione possiamo avere acquisito sulla persona con cui interagiamo. Difatti la fiducia virtuale che mettiamo in gioco nella conversazione può trasformarsi in fiducia reale quando l’interazione è ripetuta e ci permette di ricostruire, a partire da una serie di indizi, il profilo psicologico del nostro interlocutore. Le relazioni interpersonali su Internet passano ancora per la maggior parte attraverso lo scambio linguistico. La comunicazione è un’attività cognitiva ricca e complessa, che mette in gioco tante competenze cognitive, come la capacità di interpretare il linguaggio come un indizio di un’intenzione di un agente. Su Internet, dietro ai testi intuiamo la presenza di agenti, di persone che si rivolgono a noi. E molta psicologia cognitiva ci mostra che siamo dei “virtuosi” nel “mentalizzare” gli altri, ossia, nel dare una lettura psicologica dei comportamenti intenzionali, come gli atti comunicativi. La fiducia virtuale presupposta da qualsiasi conversazione ci permette di tessere una fiducia reale, di stabilire chi sta dietro alle parole. Proprio per la sua complessità di attribuzione di intenzioni, la conversazione è sempre un’attività selettiva: non possiamo parlare con tutti. Ed è per questo che la dimensione sociale di Internet, potenzialmente globale, non fa di Internet un mezzo di comunicazione di massa al pari della televisione. I discorsi lanciati su Internet, in un weblog o in un newsgroup per esempio, non sono indirizzati a tutti, ma solo a quei potenziali interlocutori che ne riconoscono la pertinenza per loro. La prossimità fisica non è un buon criterio per stabilire la fiducia. Possiamo essere vicini a persone a cui non abbiamo intenzione di rivolgere la parola. Un’etica di Internet è allora in primo luogo un’etica del discorso, delle norme tacite che regolano la nostra parola.


Bibliografia

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Sperber, D.; Wilson D. [1986] Relevance: Communication and Cognition, Basil Blackwell.

Friday, June 03, 2005

Talking to Strangers



Danielle S. Allen book: Talking to Strangers (Chicago University Press, 2004) claims that racial distrust is based more on retrospection than on personal experience.

Her investigation starts from the picture above: Elizabeth Eckford, one of the nine black students enrolled in the High School at Little Rock in 1965, being cursed by Hazel Bryan, a white student.

Racial congealed distrust is a symptom of erosion of democracy in Allen's view. Democracies should be based on discursive, constructive disagreements, whereas these fossilized perceptions of insurmountable barriers are typically non-dialectical: They are a refuse to talk to others.

Only the recognition that we "share a life" with other citizens, that we can talk to them, can contribute to develop a society of mutual trust.

Thursday, June 02, 2005

Trust, authority and interpretation

DRAFT DO NOT QUOTE: Article for the Spring 2005 Italian Academy newsletter, Columbia University, New York

During my four months here at the Italian Academy I have pursued a philosophical project on the role of authority in interpretation.
Most of my deeply entrenched beliefs depend on other people’s knowledge. I believe that smoking causes cancer, that there is no life on the Moon and that plants can be male and female. I believe that I was born in Milan and that my blood group is A. I have partial access not only to the conditions of verification of these beliefs, but, at least for some of them, to their very meaning. They mean something to me only through the deference to the authority of other people (experts, my parents, the popular wisdom, etc…). Our trust in the epistemic authority of others is a fundamental ingredient of our cognitive life.

This blatant truth has interesting epistemological consequences. To accept a belief on the basis of authority seems the opposite of what an autonomous mind should do in order to acquire knowledge. How indeed relying on others could be compatible with the autonomy of reasoning required to justify what we come to believe? If I ask someone: “Why do you believe that smoking causes cancer?” and she replies: “Well, because I’ve read it on a pack of cigarettes”, I won’t consider her belief as justified in any relevant sense. Still, it is undeniable that for most of our beliefs, we rely on public knowledge, expertise or wisdom. Thus, the question is: What is the nature of our epistemic trust in others?

In my research, I try to clarify what kind of “mental act” is to trust in other people’s intellectual authority. My claim is that normative epistemological concerns (is trust a justified “method” of acquiring knowledge?) do not elucidate the social and cognitive processes that underlie our allocation of trust in epistemic authority and its role on how we interpret and understand what we are told. I believe this is a central and mostly underestimated question about trust in intellectual life, that can throw some light on a variety of philosophical and empirical issues such as how do we construct public meanings, how do we learn in pedagogical contexts and what is the role of reputation and authority in interpretation.

There are many different styles of discourse that imply different degrees of reciprocal trust. Of course, the set of norms and assumptions that we tacitly accept when engaging in intellectual conversation are not the same we endorse in a party conversation where the common aim we share with our interlocutors is entertaining and social contact. Still, a basic reciprocal commitment has to take place in any genuine case of communication. A primary common aim of communication is reciprocal comprehension. I cannot influence, persuade or convince any interlocutor without succeeding in making her understand what I mean by my words. Thus, a minimal trust required to acquire knowledge from communication is that we trust others in conversation to provide us enough relevant information in order to understand them. Communication is a much richer process than a simple transfer of information, as it is often caricatured in the epistemological literature. The amount of default trust needed to succeed in communication is limited in our confident sharing a number of hypotheses with our interlocutors that are relevant enough for interpreting them correctly. Here is an example. Claire is dining at my house, I offer her some wine and he refuses by saying “It’s against my religion”. I take her reply as a reason for not drinking wine although I don’t know what religion Claire belongs to and I don’t have any religious restrictions on my alimentation. I do not share her belief that drinking wine can be blasphemous, still I make sense of what she says as relevant enough to prevent me to serve wine to her in the future. I don’t share her beliefs, I even don’t understand her completely, given that I don’t know what religion she is talking about and I cannot check in this particular situation whether it is true that she has religious convictions, still I trust her willingness to provide me with enough relevant information to make sense of what she’s saying. In a normal case of communication, such as this one, I trust my interlocutor to guide my interpretation towards the most relevant interpretation of what she meant.

How about cases in which a full-fledged interpretation is not available, because of our lack of knowledge or limited linguistic competence? Let me consider some more radical cases of interpretation, in which we do not understand what has been said. If a friend physicist tells me that “String theory is a theory of quantum gravity” I do not have any means to make sense of what she says, because I have a too vague idea of what string theory and quantum gravity are. Still, I can accept this statement as true on the basis of my trust in her scientific authority and work out at least a partial interpretation on the basis of this trust, as for example the minimal logical implication of her statement, that is, that quantum gravity and string theory explain the same phenomena. My deference to her knowledge guides me in acquiring further information about string theory.
This deferential attitude is typical of learning contexts, that is, contexts in which we enter a new” epistemic space” through the words of others. Take another, may be more familiar, case. My friend Barry opens a bottle of the 2002 Arbois Grand Elevage Savagnin Viellies Vignes, he tastes it and tells me: “It’s concentrated, fleshy, harmonious, with a note of candied limes and hints of lemons”. As a novice in the “epistemic space” of wine, I am not able to discriminate in my mouth all the subtleties of taste he is able to speak of, still I trust his expertise and keep in mind this partly mysterious description to orient my taste experience and work out an interpretation that makes sense of my perception.

Our trust in epistemic authority deeply influences our interpretations of what we are told. And it is through our interpretations that we acquire knowledge from others. There is no passive, blind trust. We are never infected by other people’s beliefs without any filtering process. Interpretation is an active process in which we take a part of responsibility. Understanding the interplay between trust and interpretation is a crucial aspect of an account of the social dimension of our knowledge.

Wednesday, June 01, 2005

Reply to Thomas Stoffregen

This comment has been posted in the on line conference on Pictures in Cognition and in Science


Stoffregen writes: "Our ability to see meaningful features of things is (so far) much greater than our ability to quantify meaning in syntactic codes (e.g., programming languages) and that is why artists remain better than computers for this type of task"
Still, lithic drawing as many other cases of "scientific" drawing relies on partly codified meaninigs, as the Lucile Addington's manual mentioned by Lopes shows. Only trained archaeologists can extract the relevant, meaningful features from the stones, and in this sense, they have been partly "programmed" through their archaeological studies.
There are so many manual abilities in many domains of science that are difficult to automatize, such as for example collecting butterflies for entomological purposes, but this is a much broader question and I don't see why it should be so obvious that in the case of lithic drawings manual abilities will always have an advantage on computer drawing.
Also, there are two questions that are often confused in this debate: one is why drawing should be better than photographs (and the general answer is: because it allows to discriminate relevant features that a photo, although accurate, is not able to make salient enough). The other question is: is manual drawing intrinsically superior to machine drawing (and for this second question, I still have not seen a clearcut answer).

Wednesday, May 25, 2005

Epistemology and Archaeology

This comment has been posted today in the discussion forum around the text by Dominic Lopes Drawing in Social Science: Lithic Illustration

I am a bit puzzled by some passages of Dominic Lopes’ text concerning epistemology. He depicts a “standard epistemology” position as a default position about the role of images in science. According to Lopes standard epistemology claims: “that good evidence for an empirical generalization should issue from a reliable process. Add the assumption that processes are the more reliable as they rely on mechanical means of taking measurements, and we have a good epistemic reason to prefer photographs to drawings when we wish to capture data for empirical generalization. The second fork is the claim that good evidence for empirical generalization should issue from an objective process.”
I don’t think this corresponds to any serious position today in the epistemology of archaeology (see for example Alison Wylie’s book: Thinking From Things. Essays in the Philosophy of Archaeology University of California Press, 2002). The epistemology of archaeology emphasizes today the peculiarity of archaeological evidence, and the role of background and collateral knowledge in interpreting archaeological data as evidence. Drawing in archaeology may have the same role as writing in ethnology (cf. J. Clifford and G.E. Marcus, Writing Culture, 1986, University of California Press), that is, they are irreplaceable interpretive means to access past and distant cultures. Of course in the case of Galileo’s drawings of the Moon, a photo could have been better evidence than a drawing, but nobody thinks that the constraints on evidence of astronomy should be of the same kind of those of archaeology. That’s why social sciences are an interesting and distinct epistemological subject.

Tuesday, May 24, 2005

A new workshop on Art and Cognition is on line at: www.interdisciplines.org/artcognition

A new workshop on Art and Cognition is on line at: www.interdisciplines.org/artcognition. It explores the theme of pictures in cognition and science, and is organised with the support of the Fyssen Foundation.The first paper is now open to discussion:
Dominic Lopes: Drawing in the Social Sciences: Lithic Illustration

Monday, May 23, 2005

Peut-on être anti-réductionniste à propos du témoignage ?

DRAFT-DO NOT QUOTE
Paper submitted to the review Philosophie. Special issue on the Philosophy of Testimony edited by Pascal Engel.

I would like to thank you Pascal Engel and Dan Sperber for useful comments on previous versions of this paper.

La connaissance est un bien commun. La plupart de nos croyances s’appuient sur l’expertise d’autrui. Accepter le témoignage des autres est une façon fondamentale d’acquérir des connaissances, non seulement sur le monde extérieur, mais aussi sur qui nous sommes, par exemple sur où et quand sommes-nous nés. Dans les mots de l’anthropologue Mary Douglas : « La colonisation mutuelle de nos esprits est le prix que nous payons pour penser »[1].

Il existe une tradition classique en philosophie qui, à partir de Platon, tend à exclure les croyances acquises par le biais d’autrui de l’analyse de la connaissance. Dans De utilitate credendi, Saint Augustin distingue la « connaissance », qui relève de la raison, de la « croyance » qui relève de l’autorité.[2] Locke s’inscrit dans cette tradition quand il affirme que les idées d’autrui acquises par témoignage ne deviennent dans nos esprits que des opinions, même si elles sont vraies. Selon cette conception, la connaissance, c'est-à-dire la croyance rationnelle et justifiée, s’oppose à l’opinion car elle est basée sur des idées dont « nous pouvons avoir l’intuition claire et évidente »[3] à la manière de Descartes, ou sur des idées produites par les données de notre perception ainsi que sur des relations valides entre ces idées, selon la version empiriste.

L’idée même d’un savoir acquis par déférence à une autorité pourrait sembler paradoxale. S’en remettre à l’autorité d’autrui serait incompatible avec la raison et l’autonomie intellectuelle nécessaires dans l’acquisition et la justification de nos connaissances. Pourtant, les croyances acquises par le truchement d’autrui jouent un rôle tellement central dans nos processus de connaissance que ce phénomène s’impose à l’attention des philosophes.

L’épistémologie contemporaine a réhabilité le rôle de la déférence à autrui dans la connaissance : le travail collaboratif dans toutes les sciences ainsi que l’explosion informationnelle dans les sociétés médiatisées, a forcé les épistémologues à incorporer dans leur réflexions des notions sociologiques telles que confiance, autorité et déférence. Aujourd’hui, l’épistémologie sociale est une discipline bien établie dont le but est d’étendre l’étude sociologique des mécanismes de la confiance qui sont à la base de l’ordre social à ceux qui sont à la base de l’ « ordre cognitif » de la société.[4]
La « division du travail cognitif » est reconnue comme une propriété fondamentale des tous systèmes culturels, y compris les communautés scientifiques.
L’épistémologie sociale ainsi conçue est une entreprise à la fois descriptive et normative : d’une part elle décrit comment les structures sociales de distribution des connaissances (universités, médias) ont une influence sur la diffusion des croyances vraies et fausses dans une communauté ; d’autre part, elle tente de préciser les conditions dans lesquelles il est légitime de s’en remettre à autrui pour acquérir un savoir.
On peut ajouter que le rôle de l’expertise scientifique dans les décisions publiques fait de la question de la légitimité de la confiance et de la déférence épistémique un problème central du fonctionnement des sociétés démocratiques. La tension entre le recours aux experts et la démocratie est au cœur des démocraties contemporaines. Richard Lewontin a écrit à ce sujet : La pénétration de la science dans la société civile et politique pose un problème spécial pour le fonctionnement de l’état démocratique. D’un coté, le comportement de l’état devrait réfléchir la volonté populaire, déterminée par l’expression directe de l’opinion du peuple, ou par le biais de représentants élus. De l’autre coté, le savoir et la compréhension exotériques requis pour prendre des décisions rationnelles dans lesquelles la science et la technologie sont des facteurs critiques est dans les mains d’une petite élite d’experts[5]. Les notions d’autorité épistémique, et d’expertise jouent donc un rôle dans la compréhension de l’autorité politique et des mécanismes de confiance qui assurent la survie des institutions dans les sociétés démocratiques. Des questions épistémologiques (qui devons nous croire et sur quelle base ?) se retrouvent donc au cœur de nos décisions morales et politiques : notre confiance dans l’ « ordre cognitif » de la société –qui sait quoi, selon quels principes le savoir est-il distribué et partagé, sur quelle base faut-il croire les experts – influence notre confiance dans son ordre social et réciproquement.
Le débat contemporain en épistémologie autour de la dimension sociale de la connaissance et en particulier du rôle de l’expertise et de la confiance dans la transmission du savoir est le sujet de cet essai. On distinguera les approches épistémiques et les approches non épistémiques de la déférence à autrui, pour discuter ensuite de l’opposition classique entre visions réductionnistes et anti-réductionnistes du témoignage et pour conclure par une défense non-réductionniste de la déférence.
Pour mieux cerner les enjeux de l’approche sociale à l’épistémologie, il faut introduire plusieurs précisions.
D’une part, le problème de la dimension sociale du savoir et celui de l’autorité épistémique ne coïncident pas. L’épistémologie contemporaine se pose aussi le problème de la légitimité de l’autorité de chacun sur ses propres pensées, c'est-à-dire, dans quelle mesure sommes-nous justifiés à considérer immédiat et immun de toute erreur notre accès à nos propres pensées[6]. D’autre part, le fait que les croyances soient socialement transmises n’est pas une raison suffisante pour considérer les facteurs sociaux comme épistémologiquement pertinents. L’air est un ingrédient fondamental dans la transmission du savoir, mais cela n’en fait pas pour autant un thème épistémologique. Ce qu’une approche épistémologique de la formation sociale des croyances doit montrer c’est que les facteurs sociaux, comme par exemple les institutions de savoir ou certaines conventions sociales, influencent la qualité épistémique de l’information transmise (c'est-à-dire sa vérité ou sa fausseté).

Deux approches principales dominent aujourd’hui la recherche en épistémologie sociale. Selon la première approche, la confiance que nous faisons aux autres dans l’acquisition du savoir relève de l’évaluation des compétences de nos interlocuteurs sur un sujet spécifique. En ce sens, déférer à autrui serait une pratique parfaitement rationnelle qu’on pourrait étudier aussi bien d’un point de vue descriptif que normatif. Le but de l’épistémologie sociale serait alors d’examiner les institutions et les pratiques sociales pour comprendre leur fiabilité dans la production, la conservation et la transmission du savoir. Les raisons que l’on peut avoir d’en déférer à autrui sont variables. On peut reconnaître une autorité contextuelle à notre interlocuteur à partir d’une appréciation rationnelle de sa meilleure position épistémique. Je téléphone de Paris à un ami qui est à Rome pour connaître le temps qu’il y fait car je reconnais qu’il est mieux placé que moi pour en juger. Dans un tel cas, on exploite la cognition d’autrui comme un outil pour acquérir une information qui est hors de la portée de nos sens. On peut aussi s’appuyer sur la fiabilité de certains mécanismes d’évaluation et de filtrage de l’information. Je peux par exemple faire confiance au travail d’évaluation et de sélection du comité de lecture d’une revue scientifique pour apprécier la qualité de l’information qu’elle contient. Ou encore je peux connaître les performances passées de quelqu’un dans un domaine particulier, et me fier à sa réputation.[7]
Selon les représentants de cette vision de l’épistémologie sociale, comme Philip Kitcher et Alvin Goldman, l’évaluation de ces critères indirects est une procédure cognitive universelle, qui peut être décrite et formalisée en termes de probabilités bayesiennes.

Les autres approches, qu’on pourrait appeler non épistémiques, sont plutôt orientées vers une lecture sociologique et historique des facteurs sociaux qui affectent la transmission du savoir. L’évaluation de la fiabilité des autres dépendrait d’une variété de pratiques culturelles. Un exemple magistral d’analyse de telles pratiques est le travail de l’historien des sciences Steven Shapin. Dans son ouvrage Une histoire sociale de la vérité, il reconstruit le rôle de la « culture du gentilhomme » dans la détermination de la crédibilité des pratiques scientifiques de la science expérimentale moderne, avec en particulier la constitution des nouveaux standards expérimentaux de la Royal Academy[8]. Même si Shapin ne tire aucune conclusion programmatique de ses recherches historiques, son approche est en continuité avec la vision radicale de la science proposée par la sociologie de la science. L’analyse sociologique de la science, développée par Bruno Latour en France et par David Bloor et l’école d’Edinburgh en Grande Bretagne[9], voit l’épistémologie comme une branche de la sociologie. Elle ne reconnaît pas aux sciences naturelles le statut spécial que leur avait attribué Karl Mannheim, père fondateur de la sociologie de la connaissance, en les décrivant comme un domaine non assujetti aux intérêts sociaux. Selon les sociologues de la science, la science reflète les relations et les intérêts sociaux comme n’importe quel autre domaine de connaissances. Cette position a amené dans certains cas à un relativisme radical qui considère chaque processus de production de connaissance comme une « forme de vie » particulière dont les standards cognitifs sont tout simplement ceux qui sont acceptés dans ce jeux linguistique. Un exemple de cette attitude intellectuelle est donné par l’étude[10] des rapports entre genre et autorité scientifique dans l’épistémologie féministe contemporaine. La standpoint view theory des épistémologues féministes interprète l’autorité cognitive comme un système de renforcement et de légitimation des préjugés liés à la subordination féminine. Ces positions ont l’intérêt de situer la déférence à l’autorité cognitive dans des pratiques culturellement et historiquement déterminées, en contraste avec la perspective rationaliste, plus formelle et abstraite.
Les partisans de la perspective épistémique ont de leur coté une intuition forte : l’explosion informationnelle et la croissance de la communication ne semblent pas rendre les sociétés plus irrationnelles. L’irrationalité trouve un terrain plus fécond dans les sociétés ayant un faible taux de circulation de l’information. Il doit donc bien y avoir un fondement rationnel dans la déférence à autrui et les systèmes de transmission des connaissances doivent bien satisfaire au moins à des critères minimaux de validité épistémique pour se stabiliser dans une société. De l’autre coté, les partisans de la deuxième perspective offrent une vision souvent plus réaliste des raisons que les gens ont d’accepter l’autorité d’autrui : dans la plupart des cas il est très difficile de distinguer les raisons épistémiques des normes et pratiques morales qui régissent la confiance. L’ethno-méthodologue Harold Garfinkel avait saisi cette difficulté dans les expériences informelles qu’il proposait à ses étudiants : essayez de refuser systématiquement toute confiance à ce que dit ou prétend savoir un de vos proches : il prendra cela comme une atteinte insupportable à son intégrité morale, et même après avoir découvert vos motivations il aura du mal à reprendre le rapport comme avant. [11]
Bien que les différences entre les deux approches décrites ici soient nombreuses, elles se retrouvent du même coté d’une autre distinction centrale dans ce débat : celle entre autorité dérivative et autorité fondamentale. Faire confiance à un autre parce qu’on a des raisons indépendantes de penser qu’il est une source fiable d’informations, c’est lui attribuer une autorité dérivative, tandis qu’accepter ce que l’autre dit seulement parce qu’il le dit, c’est lui attribuer une autorité fondamentale.[12] Quelles que soient les raisons pour lesquelles on défère à autrui – directes, indirectes, morales ou épistémiques - le fait que l’on défère pour des raisons rend la déférence dérivative et non fondamentale.
Cette distinction retrace le clivage historique entre conceptions réductionnistes et anti-réductionnistes de la justification du témoignage. Hume est le représentant classique de la position réductionniste : la confiance dans les témoignages est basée sur le même type d’inférence inductive qui justifie n’importe quelle autre croyance, c'est-à-dire, les indices a posteriori de la conformité du témoignage aux faits. Nous faisons confiance à ceux que l’expérience nous a révélés fiables ; donc nous avons des raisons indépendantes de les croire. La vision opposée, non-réductionniste est celle de Thomas Reid, qui considérait la déférence à autrui comme une source première d’information, irréductible à d’autres sources et n’ayant pas besoin de justification. Ainsi il écrit : « Le sage et bienfaisant Auteur de la nature, qui voulait que l’homme vécût en société, et qu’il reçût de ses semblables la plus importante partie de ses connaissances, a placé en lui, pour cette fin, deux principes essentiels qui s’accordent toujours l’un avec l’autre. Le premier de ces principes est un penchant naturel à dire la vérité, et à nous servir dans le langage des signes qui interprètent le plus fidèlement nos sentiments […] Le second principe que l’Etre suprême a déposé dans notre nature, est une disposition à nous confier à la véracité des autres et à croire ce qu’ils nous disent »[13]. Selon Reid, nos croyances à l’égard de ce qu’on nous dit sont garanties par le couplage d’un principe de véracité et un principe de crédulité. Le principe de crédulité garantirait alors l’attribution d’une autorité fondamentale aux autres[14].
L’autorité fondamentale pose un problème épistémologique bien plus difficile que l’autorité dérivative. Si la compréhension des raisons qu’on a pour déférer à ceux qu’on croit fiables est un projet épistémologique bien intelligible, il est beaucoup moins évident que le seul fait qu’autrui croit quelque chose puisse suffire à justifier qu’on le croit soi-même. Ce problème est, dans une certaine mesure, semblable à celui que pose l’autorité morale ou pratique : accorder une autorité fondamentale aux autres semble prima facie impliquer une sorte de « capitulation du jugement », une résignation de la raison qui a été souvent évoquée dans l’explication des paradoxes de l’obligation politique et morale.[15]
Il faut d’ailleurs distinguer l’autorité fondamentale de ce qu’on pourrait appeler « influence socratique »[16] : je peux décider d’abandonner mes raisons et même mes normes de raisonnement et accepter celles d’un autre parce qu’il m’a convaincue que les siennes sont meilleures. Mais le cas de l’autorité fondamentale est différent : je crois à ce qu’un autre dit sur la seule base du fait qu’il le croit. Suis-je jamais justifiée à croire autrui sur cette seule base ? L’attrait d’une vision reidienne du faire confiance aux autres c’est que dans nos pratiques quotidiennes d’échange d’information la confiance en autrui semble souvent précéder en quelque sorte le raisonnement sur la fiabilité de notre source d’information. Mais si on accepte l’image reidienne de la déférence épistémique comme trait fondamental de nos pratiques linguistiques et cognitives, comment peut-on aller au-delà du simple appel à une « disposition naturelle » à croire et essayer de justifier la légitimité de cet appel ?
Un argument à l’appui de la légitimité de la déférence fondamentale met sur le même plan la confiance en autrui et la confiance fondamentale que nous avons dans notre perception et notre mémoire. La confiance dans la fiabilité de nos propres états mentaux est le point de départ de toute acquisition de savoir : sans cette déférence fondamentale à nous-mêmes nous ne pourrions former aucune connaissance. Mais si nous nous fions à nos propres croyances grâce au simple constat qu’elles nous appartiennent, pourquoi devrions-nous nier le même type de confiance aux croyances qui nous viennent des autres à travers la communication ? Avons-nous vraiment le choix de ne pas les accepter tout comme nous acceptions celles qui nous viennent de nos sens ? Pourquoi être si « égoïstes » en épistémologie ?[17]
En outre, comme l’a souligné Allan Gibbard, l’influence des autres est omniprésente dans notre développement mental, surtout dans l’enfance. Si nous admettons que les normes de raisonnement que nous utilisons aujourd’hui ont été influencées par d’autres dans le passé, nous devons reconnaître une légitimité à ces normes et ne pouvons pas exclure des influences semblables dans le futur. Donc, selon Gibbard : « Nous devons accorder à autrui de l’autorité fondamentale »[18].
Cet argument dérive la légitimité de la déférence fondamentale à autrui de la légitimité de la déférence à nos sens : nous ne pouvons pas nous refuser de l’autorité sur nos croyances sans nous condamner à une position de scepticisme radical. De la même façon, nous ne pouvons pas totalement éviter l’influence des autres sur nos croyances, au moins dans notre passé, donc il faut que nous leurs accordions quelque forme d’autorité fondamentale sur nous-mêmes. Selon l’épistémologue Richard Foley, c’est à travers un processus de « simulation » des esprits des autres que nous leurs accordons une autorité fondamentale, c'est-à-dire, en les considérant comme des êtres cognitifs semblables à nous-mêmes. On pourrait cependant objecter que la nature des deux situations d’acquisition de connaissances est tellement différente que l’argument ne fournit qu’une raison de principe de nous fier à autrui sans trop nous éclairer sur les caractéristiques du contexte d’acquisition de croyances où cette raison de principe serait effective. Il est possible de mieux défendre la conception anti-réductionniste de la déférence en invoquant non seulement des raisons de principe mais en essayant surtout de mieux éclairer la nature des mécanismes cognitifs et des pratiques interprétatives sous-jacents à notre confiance à autrui.
Le langage est certainement la première de ces pratiques à explorer dans cette quête de la déférence fondamentale. Comme Hilary Putnam l’avait souligné dans son célebre article de 1975 The Meaning of “Meaning”, l’usage du langage est intrinsèquement déférentiel : je n’ai pas besoin d’être un expert chimiste pour utiliser le mot « aluminium » : en tant que locutrice compétente de ma langue, je peux l’utiliser même si je ne suis pas capable de distinguer l’aluminium de l’acier, parce que la « division du travail linguistique » lie chaque usage du terme au savoir pertinent partagé par les experts en métaux dans ma communauté linguistique. L’apprentissage linguistique manifeste clairement cette composante déférentielle : les enfants apprennent des mots sans être parfois capables de leur associer la moindre signification. Il est tout à fait normal pour un enfant de poser des questions du type : « Maman, qu’est-ce que blaireau veut dire ? ». L’enfant apprend le mot en déférant au langage public, et accepte l’autorité de sa mère pour en établir la signification.
Tyler Burge tire des conséquences épistémiques de la nature sociale et déférentielle du langage. Il définit un principe d’acceptation (Acceptance Principle) selon lequel l’acquisition des croyances par le biais des autres est rationnellement justifiée : Toute personne est légitimée à accepter comme vraie une chose qui est présentée comme vraie et qui est compréhensible pour elle, faute de raisons plus fortes pour ne pas le faire[19]. Que les autres nous disent la vérité est une norme qu’on peut présupposer si on n’a pas de raisons de penser qu’elle a été violée.
Même si on ne peut pas nier la présence d’une composante déférentielle dans le language, est-elle suffisante pour fonder la confiance que nous attribuons aux autres ? L’argument de Burge sur la justification a priori des croyances qui nous viennent de l’interlocution se base sur la fiabilité et la robustesse du langage comme moyen de transmission de l’information. En ce sens, il n’est pas si différent de la justification que Reid même donnait de son principe de crédulité, basée sur l’analogie, qu’il considère centrale, entre perception et langage. Le langage ne serait que l’un des moyens de préservation de l’information, comme la perception ou la mémoire.
Mais la communication linguistique est loin d’être un processus purement « préservatif ». Chaque contexte d’interlocution est une cause de distorsion et d’équivoque[20]. Nous ne déférons pas simplement au comportement linguistique des autres. Nous essayons plutôt de donner un sens à ce comportement en attribuant au locuteur l’intention de nous communiquer quelque chose.
La communication est un acte volontaire. Chaque acte de parole revendique l’autorité du locuteur sur ce qu’il dit. Parler est une façon d’exercer une pression sur les autres en leur demandant d’accepter ce qu’on dit au moins pour la réussite de la communication. Le fait que quelqu’un décide intentionnellement de nous adresser la parole nous légitime à assumer une posture conversationnelle qui lui reconnaît une autorité sur son discours. En m’adressant la parole, mon interlocuteur me communique quelque chose sur le monde et en même temps quelque chose sur lui-même : qu’il vaut la peine de l’écouter et de le croire. L’échange conversationnel selon Paul Grice, requiert au moins une forme de confiance dans l’autre, c'est-à-dire, une présomption dans la volonté de l’interlocuteur à coopérer pour la réussite de la communication. Cette présomption de coopération coordonne la communication et maximise la compréhension mutuelle. Ceci ne signifie pas qu’il faut croire passivement à l’interlocuteur. La présomption de confiance permet aux interlocuteurs de partager un contexte commun d’hypothèses nécessaires à l’interprétation. C’est toute la vulnérabilité cognitive qu’il nous faut accepter pour acquérir de l’information à travers la communication. Une fois que la communication a réussi et qu’on partage un contexte d’hypothèses nous évaluons la crédibilité de ces hypothèses sur la base de ce que nous savons déjà sur l’interlocuteur et sur le monde et éventuellement nous pouvons les accepter comme croyances. La confiance requise pour interpréter les autres, c'est-à-dire la confiance dans leur coopération, est donc en même temps fragile et fondamentale : si elle est une présupposition de toute acte de communication, on peut néanmoins décider de la retirer ensuite si les hypothèses partagées dans la communication se révèlent en contradiction avec d’autres informations.
Si cette déférence nécessaire peut coïncider avec ce que nous acceptons comme vrai dans les phases initiales de notre développement cognitif et linguistique, une fois que nous avons une certaine maîtrise du langage parlé dans notre communauté linguistique nous sommes en mesure de manifester une attitude plus sceptique vis-à-vis de l’information qui nous vient d’autrui. Et ceci ne veut pas dire seulement que nous allons vérifier la vérité ou la probabilité de tout ce qui nous est dit, car dans la plupart de cas, nous n’aurions aucun moyen de le faire. Nous cherchons plutôt à affiner notre compréhension des intentions d’autrui, et ainsi à développer des heuristiques plus sophistiquées pour évaluer leur crédibilité et leur sincérité.
Pendant les derniers vingt années, la psychologie du développement a essayé de mieux comprendre la capacité qu’ont les êtres humains de « mentaliser », c'est-à-dire, de donner un sens aux comportements des autres en leur attribuant croyances et intentions. Notre psychologie naïve guide notre « sens des autres » : elle est un outil aussi fondamental pour acquérir de l’information sur le monde que l’est la perception. Nos capacités interprétatives se développent d’une façon graduelle, mais elles sont présentes des premières étapes du développement cognitif. Des études récentes montres qu’au moins une psychologie naïve rudimentaire est indispensable à l’acquisition même d’une langue, suggérant qu’il s’agit d’une compétence encore plus fondamentale que le langage même.[21] Comprendre une langue, comprendre des intentions et acquérir de l’information par le biais d’autrui sont toutes des activités communicatives qui requièrent une riche capacité de compréhension sociale. Dans cette perspective, la disposition naturelle reidienne à faire confiance à autrui est décrite en termes cognitifs comme un aspect d’une compétence cognitive fondamentale de compréhension sociale.
Le savoir nous atteint à travers la communication et la communication est un processus beaucoup plus créatif qu’on ne le reconnaît normalement : nous n’acceptons pas seulement de l’information : nous la reconstruisons et la traitons sur la base de ce que nous comprenons de nos interlocuteurs. Faire confiance à autrui fait donc partie du processus constructif qui permet de partager un contexte d’hypothèses indispensable pour comprendre ce qui est dit. La confiance aveugle n’existe pas dans la communication, sauf peut être dans des cas extrêmes d’influence sociale ou dans les premiers étapes du développement. Notre attitude déférentielle fait partie des capacités interprétatives qui fondent notre compréhension du monde social et elle est compatible avec les stratégies épistémiques qui nous permettent d’évaluer la compétence et la bienveillance des autres. Notre premier objectif dans l’acquisition de connaissances par le biais des autres c’est de comprendre ce qui nous est communiqué en interprétant leurs hypothèses et croyances dans le contexte des nôtres. Nous ne sommes jamais passivement « infectés » par les croyances d’autrui. Nous partageons la responsabilité de l’interprétation et de l’engagement mutuel vis-à-vis d’une certaine qualité de la conversation. La dimension sociale de nos croyances est fondée dans notre activité d’interprètes, une activité que nous partageons toujours avec les autres.

Références

Baier, A. (1991) Trust. The Tanner Lectures on Human Values.
Bedunzehout, A. (1998) “Is Verbal Communication a Purely Preservative Process?” The Philosophica Review, 107, pp.
Bloom, P. (2000) How Children Learn the Meaning of Words, MIT Press.

Bloom, P. & German, T. (2000). Two reasons to abandon the false belief task as a test of theory of mind. Cognition, 77, B25-B31.

Burge, T. (1993) “Content Preservation”, The Philosophical Review, 102, pp. 457-487.
Coady, A. (1992) Testimony, Clarendon Press.
Foley, R. (1994) “Egoism in Epistemology”, in F. Schmitt (ed.) Socializing Epistemology, Rowman&Littlefield, pp. 53-74.
Foley, R. (2001) Intellectual Trust in Oneself and Others, Cambridge University Press.
Friedman, R. (1990) “On the Concept of Authority in Political Philosophy”, in J. Raz (ed.) Authority, New York University Press.
Fuller, S. (1988/2002) Social Epistemology, Indiana University Press.
Gambetta, D. (1994) Trust, Cambridge University Press.
Garfinkel, H. (1967) Studies in Ethnomethodology,
Gibbard, A. (1990) Wise Choices, Apt Feelings, Harvard University Press.
Goldman, A. (1999) Knowledge and the Flow of Information, Oxford University Press
Goldman, A. (2000) “Social Epistemology”, in Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/epistemology-social/
Grice, P. (1989) Studies in the Way of Words, Harvard University Press.
Hertzberg, L. (1988) “On the Attitude of Trust”, Inquiry, 31; 307-322.
Holton, R. (1994) “Deciding to Trust, Coming to Believe”, Australasian Journal of Philosophy, 72, pp. 63-76.
Kitcher, P. (1992) “Authority, Deference and the Role of Individual Reasoning in Science” in McMullin (ed.) The Social Dimension of Science, Notre Dame University Press.
Kitcher, P. (1993) The Advancement of Science, Oxford UP.
Kitcher, P. (2001) Science, Truth and Democracy, Oxford University Press.
Lagerspetz, O. (1998) Trust. The Tacit Demand, Kluwer.
Laslett, B., et al. (1996) Gender and Scientific Authority, Chicago University Press.
Moran, R. (forthcoming) “Believing the speaker”, manuscript.
Moran, R. (2001) Authority and Estrangement, Princeton University Press.
Origgi, G. (2000) “Croire sans comprendre”, Cahiers de Philosophie de l’universté de Caen, 34, pp.191-201.
Origgi, G. (2004) « Croyance, déférence et témoignage », in E. Pacherie, J. Proust (eds.) Philosophie Cognitive, Presses de la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, Paris
Origgi, G., Sperber, D. (2000) « Evolution, Communication and the Proper Function of Language », in P. Carruthers, A. Chamberlain (eds.) Evolution and the Human Mind, Cambridge University Press.
Pouivet, R. (2003) Qu’est-ce que croire? Vrin, Paris.
Putnam, H. (1975) “The Meaning of “Meaning””, in K. Gunderson (ed.) Language, Mind and Reality, University of Minnesota Press, pp. 131-193.
Shapin, S. (1994) A Social History of Truth, Chicago University Press.
Williams, B. (2002) Truth and Truthfulness, Princeton University Press.















[1] Cf. Mary Douglas (1975) Implicit Meanings, Routledge and Kegan Paul.
[1] Augustin De Utilitate Credendi I, 4 : 11.25.
[1] Cf. Descartes Règles pour la direction de l’esprit, (Règle III).






[4] Cf. S. Shapin (1994), p. 16.
[5] Cf. R. Lewontin « The Politics of Science » The New York Review of Books, Mai 2002.
[6] Cf. Richard Moran (2001) Authority and Enstrangement, Princeton University Press ; T. Burge (1997) “Interlocution, Perception, and Memory”, Philosophical Studies, 86 (1997), 21-47.
[7] Ce que Philipp Kitcher appelle earned authority. Cf. Kicher (1992)
[8] Cf. S. Shapin (1994) A Social History of Truth, Chicago University Press.
[9] Cf. B. Latour (1987) Science in Action, Cambridge University Press ; D. Bloor (1976) Knowledge and The Social Imagery, Chicago University Press.
[10] Cf. B. Laslett, H. Longino (eds.) (1996) Gender and Scientific Authority, Chicago University Press.
[11] Cf. H. Garfinkel (1967) Studies in ethnomethodology, Prentice Hall.
[12] La distinction est de Richard Foley (cf. Foley 1994) en partie reprise d’Alan Gibbard (cf. Gibbard 1990).
[13] Cf. T. Reid, An Inquiry into the Humann Mind on the Principles of Common Sense, traduction française de Th. Jouffroy, Œuvres complètes de Thomas Reid, , t. II, Sautelet et C. Libraires & A. Mesnier, Libraire, Paris, 1828, pp. 346-350.
[14] Pour une discussion des principes de véracité et de crédulité voir R. Pouivet (2003) : « Qu’est-ce que croire ? » Vrin, Paris, notamment pp. 86-108.
[15] Pour cette interprétation de l’autorité morale, voir Richard Friedmann (1990) « The Concept of Authority in Political Philosophy », in J. Raz (ed.) Authority, New York University Press.
[16] Sur cette distinction, cf. A. Gibbard (1990) Wise Choices, Apt Feelings, Harvard University Press.
[17] Pour une défense de cette position, voir l’article de Richard Foley « Egoism in Epistemology » in F.F. Schmitt (1994) Socializing Epistemology, Rowman & Littlefield, pp. 53-73. Voir aussi R. Foley (2001) Intellectual Trust in Oneself and Others, Cambridge University Press, ch. 4.
[18] Cf. A. Gibbard, cit., p. 180).
[19] Cf. T. Burge (1993) : “Content Preservation” Philosophical Review 102 : 457-88.
[20] Un critique semblable de la conception préservative du langage de Burge a été formulée par Anne Bezundehout (1998) « Is Verbal Communication a Purely Preservative Process ? » Philosophical Review, 107, pp. 261-288.
[21] Cf. P. Bloom (2000) How Children Learn the Meanings of Words, MIT Press; G. Origgi, D. Sperber (2000) “Evolution, Communication, and the Proper Function of Language” in P. Carruthers, A. Chamberlain (eds.) Evolution and the Human Mind, Cambridge University Press, pp. 140-169.

Sunday, May 22, 2005

Obituary (in Italian) of Paul Ricoeur 1913-2005

Pubblicato sul Domenicale de Il Sole 24 Ore, 22 maggio 2005

Paul Ricoeur, 1913-2005

Je suis ce que je me raconte, sono ciò che mi racconto, una frase che riassume una delle assi centrali del pensiero di Paul Ricoeur, ultimo grande maestro della filosofia francese, che si è spento venerdì 20 maggio a Châtenay-Malabry.
Nato a Valence, nel 1913 da una famiglia protestante, Ricoeur ha attraversato le correnti principali del pensiero del Novecento, dall’esistenzalismo all’ermeneutica, dalla psicanalisi alla teoria del linguaggio, dalla morale alla riflessione religiosa, senza mai rinchiudersi sotto un’etichetta teorica e mantenendo il dialogo aperto fino alla fine con tradizioni filosofiche diverse e tra loro spesso contrastanti.
Le sue prime preoccupazioni filosofiche negli Anni Trenta sono influenzate dall’esistenzialismo francese di ispirazione cristiana. Partecipa dopo la Seconda Guerra Mondiale alla rivista Esprit, di orientamento cristiano sociale. La sua tesi di dottorato è dedicata al problema della volontà e del male, un’opera in tre volumi, ripubblicata nel 1960 sotto l’unico titolo : Finitude et culpabilité (Finitudine e colpevolezza) e influenzata dalla fenomenologia di Husserl e di Jaspers.
Professore a Strasburgo dal 1949, nel 1957 è chiamato alla Sorbona, dove resta fino al 1965 quando decide di trasferirsi nella nuova università di Nanterre, alle porte di Parigi, di cui diventa rettore. La questione del male e dell’azione involontaria insieme a un’assidua lettura dei testi biblici lo spingono verso due discipline a cui dedica i principali lavori di questo periodo : psicanalisi ed ermeneutica. Nel suo saggio su Freud, De l’interprétation, Ricoeur propone la sua lettura linguistica della psicanalisi come « campo ermeneutico », ossia come una forma di esegesi. Tema privilegiato del campo ermeneutico freudiano è il doppio senso, l’equivoco nascondersi e insieme disvelarsi nei simboli del sogno di un altro senso che emerge dal profondo e che lega, secondo Ricoeur, le riflessioni di Freud a quelle dell’antropologia e della fenomenologia della religione. Nella sua ricostruzione ermeneutica della psicanalisi si precisa un pilastro del suo pensiero, ossia la sua visione del soggetto come qualcosa a cui non si accede direttamente, ma solo tramite un’interpretazione indiretta dei segni culturali e delle mediazioni simboliche che costituiscono l’io come narrazione quotidiana. L’io non è allora che un testo che ci narriamo incessantemente sotto i vincoli della nostra storia culturale e al quale accediamo grazie a un esercizio di interpretazione, in un continuo dialogo con noi stessi.
Deluso dai fatti del 1968, criticato e profondamente incompreso dalla nuova generazione francese, Ricoeur si ritira per tre anni all’università di Lovanio, per poi cominciare una « seconda carriera » filosofica negli Stati Uniti, all’università di Chicago. E’ qui che si confronta con la filosofia del linguaggio di tradizione analitica, un dialogo ben elucidato dal suo lavoro sulla metafora : La metafora viva, (Jaca Book, 1981) e nella sua opera monumentale : Tempo e racconto (Jaca Book, 1986) sui rapporti tra storia, identità e finzione narrativa. Un trittico imponente, le cui implicazioni morali danno origine all’opera successiva, Soi-même comme un autre in cui Ricoeur precisa la sua posizione dialogica sul soggetto, costruito tramite una mediazione riflessiva che implica il punto di vista dell’altro in modo da rendere impensabili noi stessi senza gli altri. Ed è questa lettura indiretta di noi stessi che dà senso alla nostra esistenza sociale e morale. I suoi ultimi libri Le Juste, (2000) et La mémoire, l’histoire et l’oubli, (2003) testimoniano il suo impegno etico e la sua forte esigenza di una forma universale di morale, forse una delle motivazioni più profonde del suo pensiero.

Thursday, April 21, 2005

Narrative Memory, Episodic Memory and W. G. Sebald's idea of Memory

DRAFT - DO NOT QUOTE
This paper was first presented at the Italian Academy, Columbia University, New York, April 2005.

If I say, rightly, ‘I remember it’, the most different things can happen, and even merely this: that I say it
Ludwig Wittgenstein, Philosophical Grammar

I think how little we can hold in mind, how everything is constantly lapsing into oblivion with every extinguished life, how the world is, as it were, draining itself, in that the history of countless places and objects which themselves have no power of memory is never heard, never described or passed on
W. G. Sebald, Austerlitz


Mnemosyne, one must admit, has shown herself to be a very careless girl
Vladimir Nabokov, Speak Memory

The now; the now. Mind this: in this is all
Earl of Shaftesbury



Memory is a hard notion for philosophers. It is probably a much better subject of inquiry for writers and poets. That is because a great variety of philosophical concerns are pulled in under the heading of memory. Memory is involved in the basic psychological experience of our continuity through time, that grounds - according to many - our personal identity. Memory is involved in our capacity of conceptualizing the world: To have a concept is to be able to recognize that the same takes place again. Memory is knowledge that we are able to retrieve as well as knowledge that we embody in our skills. Most of our knowledge at any given time is in memory. Memory is involved in everyday inference: inferring new facts from our sense perception implies combining in an efficient way new information with background information that is stored in memory. Memory is also involved in self-knowledge as the fundamental ingredient of experiencing some events as belonging to our autobiography. And through our memories of our past experiences as our own experiences we constitute ourselves as distinct and unique moral subjects.
Thus, memory seems to invade all aspects of our cognitive and moral life. Along the history of psychological science, memory, learning and knowledge are so intertwined topics that one could wonder whether it is possible to pry apart what belongs to the realm of memory and what is proper to learning and knowledge. On the one hand, memory shares some epistemic properties with the notion of knowledge. The verbs “knowing” and “remembering” are epistemic verbs, that is, they imply the truth of what is known or remembered. It is a sort of semantic nonsense to say that I know something that is not true or to say that I remember something that it did not take place, even if false memories can be an interesting subject of psychological inquiry (cf. Hacking 1995, or the most interesting case of “Flashbulbs memories” - that is, vivid memories, often inaccurate, of what we were doing when an important historical events happened – investigated by Ulrich Neisser) [1]. On the other hand, the understanding of memory and learning have been pursued as a unified research project for longtime, as for example in the empiricist tradition. Authors such as John Locke and John Stuart Mill speculated about the factors that affect the degree of strength of associations between ideas. According to this tradition, learning is to strengthen a particular association, and thus to be able to recall it.
Today, the science of memory distinguishes between a variety of phenomena that correspond to distinct neurological realities. Semantic memory, that is, the capacity to recollect factual information (such as Roma is the capital of Italy) is distinct for procedural memory, which allows us to learn skills and acquire habits. Autobiographical memory is still another neurological reality, which allows us to recall the personal episodes that uniquely define our lives[2]. This latter way of remembering breaks further apart into field and observer memories according to the position that the subject attributes to herself in the retrieved scene, that is, as part of the scene or as an external observer[3].
And finally, memory extends far beyond the limits of our minds: It is the collective memory that we share with a human group that defines our cultural and social identity. It is through the external traces of our common memory that communities establish traditions and cultural values. How ethical considerations can be applied to the notion of collective memory (as for example “The duty to remember”) is a core question of contemporary reflection in moral philosophy (cf. A. Margalit, 2003[4])
Although the multiple facets of the idea of memory may throw some doubts on the existence of a clear cut philosophical question about remembering or knowing the past, nothing seems to be more central to our human experience as our capacity to recall a unique repertoire of events, facts and emotions that distinguish our persons from anybody else. The very concept of our self seems to be grounded in our awareness of being enduring unique subjects through time.
Here, I would like to limit my remarks to the investigation of autobiographical memory. In particular, I would like to introduce a distinction that has been recently put forward by the British philosopher Galen Strawson, and see how it applies to the literary case of W.G. Sebald, one of the most astonishing writers of the last decades.
Let me add a last preamble to this exploration: I am not a literary scholar. My main concerns revolve around the epistemological question of how we come to believe what we believe and what sort of creatures are the varieties of mental objects that inhabit our cognitive life. Still, I think that some conceptual questions in philosophy can be illuminated by looking at literature, and that this is an exercise that worth exploring in order to gain insight on the nature of our mind. Take it as an exercise in what Steven Shapin calls “practical epistemology”, that is, the attempt to understanding our cognition through the investigation of history, biographies and fictional work.

The empirical investigation of autobiographical memory, that is, memory that involves the subjective experience of the person who does the remembering, has revealed gross inaccuracies in people’s reporting about their past events[5]. People reconstruct rather than simply recall events in their past, and the creative aspect of reconstruction is strongly influenced by contextual and emotional factors. Psychologists and philosophers have investigated the nature of these creative elements in memory reconstruction in order to understand whether there is any systematic constraints on the way people re-elaborate their past experiences. One of the mainstream hypothesis on these constraints is linked to a particular view of the self that is gaining attention in many fields of humanities according to which our self-identity is fundamentally experienced in a narrative way and people distort their past experience in order to fit some narrative constraints on their autobiographies. Take, for example, the already mentioned case of distortion in flashbulbs memories: In a study on the memory of the Challenger explosion, Ulrich Neisser and Nicole Harsh[6] interviewed college students less than 24 hours after the event and the again two and a half years later. The second reports revealed a substantial forgetting of the circumstances in which they learned about the accident and, surprisingly, no decay in the subjective confidence that the report was correct. A possible explanation of the unchanged confidence about their report is that subjects tend to link their personal experience in a strong, narrative way, to major historical events and thus witness episodes of their lives as belonging to History. Vladimir Nabokov avowed some inaccurate passages in his autobiography due to the misperception of the relation between historical events personal history in his 1966 forward to the new edition of Speak, Memory:
Among the anomalies of a memory, whose possessor and victim have tried to become an autobiographer, the worst is the inclination to equate in retrospect my age with that of the century. This has led to a series of remarkable consistent chronological blunders in the first version of this book.


Psychologists and neuroscientists, such as Jerome Bruner and Oliver Sachs, have claimed that our tendency to make up a narrative of our life is deeply entrenched in the way we perceive our self-identity: Self is a “perpetually rewritten story” and, according to Bruner, we constantly engage in “self-making narratives” in order to make sense of our past. Philosophers and literary theorists have enthusiastically joined the “Psychological Narrativity” thesis according to which making sense of our lives involves in a constitutive way the construction of narrative plots. Here is an illustration of what narrativism is about:
An attribute that may be uniquely human is consciousness of ourselves as temporal beings-beings with a history. Both as individuals and members of various groups our present existence is powerfully shaped by recollections of the past and anticipations of the future. Narrativists maintain that plot is the main device we use in trying to make sense of this aspect of our life […] Through narrative emplotment we organize, integrate and seek an accommodation with temporality. Emplotment humanizes our experience of life making its passage meaningful for us. It gives order and direction to events that otherwise might be perceived as random or isolated.[7]


Under the heading of “narrativism” we may cast very distant strains of thoughts, such as Paul Ricoeur’s idea of narrativity as the primary mode of knowing and therefore explaining the world to ourselves and to others, or Daniel Dennett’s idea of the Self as a multiple draft of narrations. Typically, albeit not exclusively, thinkers in the analytic tradition take narrativity as a phenomenological datum that corresponds to some psychological reality: we cannot help but organizing our experience in such a narrative way because that is how our phenomenological experience is organized. Whereas authors in the hermeneutic tradition, such as Gadamer and the above mentioned Ricoeur see narrativity as the manifestation in discourse of a specific kind of time consciousness or structure of time[8] that makes sense only as in the intersubjective discoursive exchange.

Narrativism may sometimes imply the stronger thesis of “Ethical Narrativity” according to which the moral experience of personhood is possible only through a narrative outlook on one’s life. Philosophers such as Charles Taylor and Marya Schechtman have argued for this view[9]. Paul Ricoeur seems to endorse a version of the same view when he writes:
How indeed could a subject of action give an ethical character to his or her own life taken as a whole if this life were not gathered together in some way, and how could this occur if not, precisely, in a form of a narrative? [1990]

In a recent article, Galen Strawson has challenged the centrality of narrativity in our experience of the past. According to Strawson, both theses, that is, “Psychological Narrativity” and “Ethical Narrativity” must be rejected on the basis of phenomenological and moral considerations:
It is not true that there is only one way in which human beings experience their being in time. There are deeply non-Narrative people and there are good ways to live that are deeply non-Narrative. I think the second and third views hinder human self- understanding, close down important avenues of thought, impoverish our grasp of ethical possibilities, needlessly and wrongly distress those who do not fit their model, and can be highly destructive in psychotherapeutic contexts[10].

Strawson discerns two psychological kinds of self-experience, diachronic and episodic, according to the role granted to the continuity of the self through time. Diachronic minds naturally figure their selves as something that was there in the past and will be there in the future. Episodic minds do not figure themselves, considered as their present selves, as something that was there in a past experience and will be there in a future experience.
Diachronic minds tend to have a narrative disposition towards their past, whereas episodic minds do not link their idea of their selves to a particular phenomenological quality of their “self-experience”. Our knowledge of being the same human beings as in our past can be of a very indirect nature, and the experience of ourselves as a self can be distinct from that knowledge. Henry James used to say that he thought his previous books “as the work of quite another person as myself” a close relative may be, but not the same self as his present one, even though he had no doubts about his continuity through time. Thus making sense of one’s own life and making sense of oneself are different matters.
Narrativism tends to link these two points of view on the self by arguing that it is only through the narrative reconstruction of our continuity through time that we make sense of our present self. Against this view, Strawson mentions writers such as Proust, Borges, Woolf, whose work shows to what extent the persistence conditions of our thinking ourselves as a “self” are distinct from the persistence conditions of our being the same human being in the past, the present and the future. Episodic minds –among which Strawson casts himself, the above-mentioned writers, Michel de Montaigne, the Earl of Shaftesbury, Stendhal, Fernando Pessoa, Iris Murdoch and many others– don’t have this persistent experience of identity through time as they were the main character in a novel who goes through a series of “peripeties” (as Edmond Dantès in the Count of Monte Cristo). Nevertheless, according to Strawson, they don’t miss anything central of the experience of being a self, nor lack any moral feature of the experience of making sense of one’s own actions through time. “Self-understanding – he concludes – does not have to take a narrative form” [cf. Strawson, 2004b, p.448].
I share Strawson’s resistance to narrativity as the central ingredient of our self-identity through time. To be conscious that the past has shaped our present self doesn’t imply to be conscious of the past: Memory is not knowledge of the past, but knowledge from the past. I can experience my self-identity, feel the lore of the past on it, and still lacking a narrative access to my personal history.
I am inclined to reject the “narrativity thesis” for two reasons. One has to do with my subjective experience of my past as a series of episodes that are linked to my present self in a very indirect way through time, space, people and emotional states. The other is that among the most interesting literary examples of writers who try to make sense of their self, few of them are narrative minds.
Here I would like to take as an example of anti-narrativism the writings of Winfried Georg Sebald, better known by his friends as Max, born in the Bavarian village of Wertag im Allgaü during the Second World war and died in a car accident in East Anglia in 2001.
Sebald is an explicit anti-narrativist: he was resistant to classify his fictional work as “novels” because of his intolerance of the “grinding noises” that accompany the heavy movements of a character through a plotted narrative.
Born in 1944, he studied German literature at Freiburg, and moved to England in 1966, first to Manchester and then to Norwich where he taught German literature at the University of East Anglia until his death at 57 years old. When the collection of novels The Emigrants came out in English in 1996 it was praised as a masterpiece, and its author acclaimed as new “voice of conscience” of Europe, compared to Nabokov, Kafka, Canetti and Thomas Bernard.
His style is a mix of genders: biography, poetry, essay, documentary and fiction. His books are filled with digressions and detailed physical descriptions of the landscapes and objects that surround the narrator. Captionless, black and white photographs are scattered through the pages, in an apparent unconsequential way. Their relation to the text slowly unfolds while the reader tries to make sense of the intricate pattern of stories, descriptions and memories that Sebald gathers in his patient reconstructions of the past. How memory of people and events from the past haunts our lives and resonates in the space around us seems to be the central concern of his work. But the reconstruction is always indirect, filled with disparate objects that tacitly evoke an absence as in a still life. The Emigrants tells the biographies of four exiled, the German-Jewish landlord of Sebald’s house in Manchester, the homosexual schoolteacher in his native Bavarian village, an uncle who emigrated to United States and the German-born artist Max Ferber. Two of them committed suicide, and another died in an asylum. As he reconstruct their lives with a mix of interview, biography and images, these emigrants seem to fade away again, as it was impossible to save them from their inevitable extinction in our memory: “And so, they are ever returning to us, the dead”.
Personal memories and historical memories are both spread out in a bric-à-brac of objects, landscapes, photographs and mental images that seem to vanish away in the very moment we try to resuscitate them:


But what can we know in advance of the course of history, which unfolds accordingly to some logically indecipherable law, impelled forward, often changing direction at the crucial moment, by tiny, imponderable events, by a barely perceptible current of air, a leaf falling to the ground, a glance exchanged across a great crowd of people. Even in retrospect we cannot see what things were really like before that moment and how this or that world-shaking event came about. The most precise study of the past scarcely comes any closer to the unimaginable truth than, for instance, a far fetched claim such as I once heard made by an amateur historian Alfonse Huyghens, who lived in the capital of Belgium and had been pursuing his research on Napoleon for years; according to him, all the cataclysmic events caused by the Emperor of the French in the lands and realms of Europe were to be traced solely to his color blindness, which made him unable to tell red from green. The more blood flowed on the battlefield, this Belgian scholar told me, the greener Napoleon thought the grass was growing [Campo Santo, 14]


Traveling is for Sebald a way to access the past, through the patient observation of the public traces of collective memory (buildings, museums, monuments…) and the strong emotional experience of being misplaced so present in the traveler’s state of mind. In his first fictional work, Vertigo, he describes this feeling while traveling in the North of Italy, on the footsteps of Stendhal and Kafka. In his reconstruction of Stendhal’s transalpine campaign in 1800 when he was seventeen years old, Sebald writes about the emotional impact on Beyle’s memory of the vision of the dead horses in the battlefield:

He was so affected by the large number of dead horses lying by the wayside, and the other detritus of war the army left in its wake as it moved in a long-drawn-out file up the mountains, that he now has no clear idea whatsoever of the things he found so horrifying then. It seemed to him that his impressions had been erased by the very violence of their impact. For that reason, the sketch below (see photocopies) should be considered as a kind of aid by means of which Beyle sought to remember how things were when the part of the column in which he found himself came under fire near the village and the fortress of Bard […] Beyle furthermore writes that even when the images supplied by memory are true to life, one can place little confidence in them [Vertigo, 6,7]

A feeling of a strong emotion linked both to presentiment, recollection and oblivion of the past pushes Sebald to repeat a journey from Vienna to Verona through Venice, seven years after a first trip during which a sudden sense of unease made him flee from a restaurant in Verona in a rush and take the first night train to Innsbruck. After a detour to Riva del Garda and Milano he finally comes back to Verona:

[I] found myself opposite the Pizzeria Verona, from which I had fled headlong that November evening seven years before. The lettering of Carlo Cadavero’s restaurant was still the same, but the entrance was boarded up, and the blinds on the upper floors were drawn, much as I had expected, as I realized in that instant. The image that had lodged in my mind when I fled Verona, and which had recurred time after time, with extreme clarity, before I was able to forget it, now presented itself to me again, strangely distorted – two men in black silver-button tunics, who were carrying out from a rear courtyard a bier on which lay, under a floral-patterned drape, what was plainly a body of human being. Whether this dark apparition was superimposed on reality for a mere moment or much longer, I could not have said when my sense returned to daylight and the people, quite unconcerned, passing the pizzeria, which had evidently been shut for some time. [Vertigo, 128]

The reader reconstructs through the pages that during the evening that Sebald spent at the Pizzeria Verona seven years before, an accident took place to one of the owners of the restaurant while hunting in the countryside. The image of the corpse, probably elicited by the name of the other owner, Carlo Cadavero, made Sebald flee away in a presentiment to be in the “moment immediately before a disaster”.
Austerlitz, his only entirely fictional work, is the story of a man who, by almost unconsciously following fleeting memories returning to him and strange feelings he sensed in particular places, recollects, 50 years after, his childhood in Prague and his Jewish origins erased by his adoptive Methodist Welsh parents. While studying the architectural history of the Liverpool station, Austerlitz starts to feel: “the scraps of memory beginning to drift through the outlying regions of my mind” […]:
Memories like this came back to me in the disused Ladies’ Waiting Room of Liverpool Street Station, memories behind and within which many things much further back in the past seemed to lie, all interlocking like the labyrinthine vaults I saw in the dusty gray light and which seemed to go on and on forever. In fact I felt that the waiting room where I stood as if dazzled contained all the hours of my past life, all the suppressed and extinguished fears and wishes I had ever entertained, as if the black and white diamond pattern of the stone slabs beneath my feet were the board on which the endgame would be played and it covered the entire plane of time. [Austerlitz, 136]

Like the vertigo of looking at an object from an awkward perspective, the recollection of the past goes through the disordered sensation of whirling images, objects and words floating in our minds. Remembering is thus reconstructing, but not in a narrative mode: like the recollection of space and time of a cabinet des curiosités, the past emerges from complex patterns to vanish away again once we try to make sense of it.
The absence of a narrative mode and the mixture of genders that characterize Sebald’s work do not seem to dissolve the narrator’s self, which is strongly present through all his peregrinations, nor the ethical dimension of memory that seems to haunts all his work, as a German grown up in the invisible, unexplained sense of horror of the aftermaths of the Second World War. A moral imperative of saving the individual’s experience of the “silent catastrophe” pervades all of his works as if only the recollection of a subjective perspective could make sense of our relation to History. While visiting the fortress of Breendonk near Antwerp, used as a penal camp by Germans until 1944 and then, almost left untouched and transformed in a national memorial and a museum of the Belgian Resistance, he writes:
No one can explain exactly what happens within us when the doors behind which our childhood terrors lurk are flung open. But I do remember that there in the casemate at Breendonk a nauseating smell of soft soap rose to my nostrils, and that this smell, in some strange place in my head was linked to the bizarre German word for scrubbing brush, Wurzelbürste, which was a favorite of my father’s and which I had always disliked (Austerlitz, 25)

linking the historical presence of horror he physically experiences in Breendonk to the unpleasant memory of his childhood with a silent father who never mentioned the facts of the war. As André Aciman has written of him: "Sebald never brings up the Holocaust. The reader, meanwhile, thinks of nothing else."
Sebald fears the loss of individual memory in the contemporary too dense urban societies. About some burial rituals and ghost presences in Corsica, he writes:

To remember, to retain and to preserve was vitally important only when population density was low, we manufactured few items and nothing but space was present in abundance. You could not do without anyone then, even after death. In the urban societies of the late twentieth century, on the other hand, where everyone is instantly replaceable and is really superfluous from birth, we have to keep throwing ballast overboard, forgetting everything that we might otherwise remember: youth, childhood, our origins, our forebears and ancestors. For a while the site called the Memorial Grove recently set up on the Internet may endure; here you can lay those particularly close to you to rest electronically and visit them. But this virtual cemetery too will dissolve into the ether, and the whole past will flow into a formless, indistinct, silent mass. And leaving a present without memory, in the face of a future that no individual mind can now envisage, in the end we shal ourselves relinquish life without feeling any need to linger at least for a while, nor shall we be impelled to pay return visits from time to time [Campo Santo, 33]

A writer of memory, “The Einstein of Memory” as he has been called, Sebald fits Strawson’s description of episodic mind, and at the same time makes us feel the centrality of memory in our life, the uniqueness of our recollections and the moral obligations of our remembering. The call for narrative as the only way to make sense of ourselves, so overstated in contemporary philosophy and literary theory, seems to collapse by a closer look at one case, among others, of anti-narrative stance towards the past.

References:
J. Bruner (1987) Acts of Meaning, Cambridge, Harvard University Press.
J. Campbell, (1994) Past, Space and Self, Cambridge, Harvard University Press.
D. Dennett (1988) “Why everyone is a novelist”, Times Literary Supplement, 16-22 September.
I. Hacking (1995) Rewriting the Soul, Princeton, Princeton University Press.
L.P. Hinchman , S.K. Hinchman (1994) Memory, Identity, Community: The Idea of Narrative in the Human Sciences, Suny Series in Philosophy of Social Science.

Margalit, A. (2002) The ethics of memory, Cambridge, Harvard University Press.
A. McIntyre (1981) After Virtue, London, Duckworth.
U. Neisser (1982) (ed.) Memory observed: Remembering in natural contexts, San Francisco, Freeman.
U. Neisser, N. Harsch (1992) “Phantom Flashbulbs: False recollections of hearing the news about Challenger. In E. Winograd, U. Neisser (eds.) Affect and accuracy in recall: Studies of “flashbulbs memories”, Cambridge UP.

P. Ricoeur (1983-1985) Temps et récit, 3 voll., Paris Seuil
P. Ricoeur (1985) “Narrated Time,” Philosophy Today, Vol. 29, no.4, 263
P. Ricoeur (1990) Soi-meme comme un autre, Paris, Seuil.
P. Ricoeur (2000) La mémoire, l’histoire, l’oubli, Paris, Seuil.
D. C. Rubin (1986) Autobiographical Memory, Cambridge University Press.
O. Sacks (1985) The man who mistook his wife for a hat, London, Duckworth.
D. L. Schacter (1996) Searching for Memory, New York, Basic Books.
M. Schechtman (1997) The Constitution of Selves, Cornell University Press.
G. Strawson (2004) “A Fallacy of our Age”, Times Literary Supplement, 15-21 October .
G. Strawson (2004) “Against Narrativity”, Ratio, 412-450.
C. Taylor (1989) Sources of the Self, Cambridge University Press.
H. White (1984) “The Question of Narrative in Contemporary Historical Theory”, History and Theory, pp. 1-33.






[1] Cf. for example U. Neisser , E. Winograd (1992) Affect and accuracy in recall: Studies in “Flashbulbs Memories”, Cambridge University Press; I. Hacking (1995) Rewriting the Soul: Multiple Personality and the Sciences of Memory, Princeton University Press.
[2] The distinction between episodic vs semantic memory is due to E. Tulving (cf. E. Tulving, 1972: “Episodic and Semantic Memory” in E. Tulving and W. Donaldson (eds) Organization of Memory, New York, Academic Press. I here refer to the episodic memory through the broader notion of autobiographical memory (cf. D. Rubin [1986] Autobiographical Memory, Cambridge UP) because I will introduce further distinctions among kinds of subjective experiences of the past.
[3] Freud was aware of this distinction, that has been experimentally investigated by G. Nigro and U. Neisser (1983) “Point of view in personal memories”. Cognitive Psychology, 15, 467-482.
[4] Cf. Avishai Margalit (2003): The Ethics of Memory, Harvard University Press.
[5] Cf. U. Neisser (1967) Cognitive Psychology, New York, Appleton-Century-Crofts; D. C. Rubin, M. Kozin (1984) “Vivid Memories”, Cognition, 16, 81-95.
[6] U. Neisser, N. Harsch (1992) “Phantom Flashbulbs: False recollections of hearing the news about Challenger. In E. Winograd, U. neisser (eds.) Affect and accuracy in recall: Studies of “flashbulbs memories”, Cambridge UP.
[7] Cf. L.P. Hinchman , S.K. Hinchman (1994) Memory, Identity, Community: The Idea of Narrative in the Human Sciences, Suny Series in Philosophy of Social Science.
[8] Cf. H. White (1984) “The Question of Narrative in Contemporary Historical Theory”, History and Theory, pp. 1-33.
[9] Cf. C. Taylor (1989) Sources of the Self, Cambridge University Press; M. Schechtman (1997) The Constitution of Selves, Cornell University Press.
[10] Cf. G. Strawson (2004) “A Fallacy of our Age”, Time Literary Supplement, October 15th . Cf. a longer version of the same article (2004): “Against Narrativity”, Ratio, XVII, 4, pp. 428-52.